Abstract

Networks of experts facilitated by international bodies have become so widespread and influential that many see them as shaping a new world order. In a growing range of areas, the form of political rule is not one of clear hierarchy and express demands within a clearly defined jurisdiction. Areas such as standards for consumer safety, investor protection, or environmental sustainability are developed and implemented through more horizontal communities of professionals in various public-private constellations. What kinds of democratic standards should we use to assess this state of affairs? This paper presents different approaches and emphasizes a perspective which holds that democracy does not have to resemble the domestic model in organizational terms and that it can fruitfully be reconceived in the international context of expert networks.

Abstract

In this talk I distinguish between two approaches for attempting to link philosophical thinking with real world problems. The applied philosophy approach starts from a favoured philosophical theory and then attempts to draw lessons for the world. The engaged philosophy approach starts from problems in the world, and draws on philosophical and other resources to attempt to recommend improvements. The paper explains a number of difficulties for the applied approach and sets out in more detail one way of considering real world problems in the engaged mode.

Abstract 

There is a large philosophical literature on whether democracy has intrinsic or purely instrumental value. This literature has ignored several more complex middle positions which are not easily captured through this dichotomy. In particular, I want to explore the possibility that democracy has intrinsic but secondary value: we value it independently, but its importance often pales in comparison to outcome-related values. I will explore four varieties of this view: (i) the weak intrinsic aim view, (ii) the lenient deontic constraint view, (iii) the conditional value view, and (iv) the indeterminacy resolution view.

Abstract

The interest group literature has long struggled with how to empirically approach the normative idea of a non-biased group system. While most previous attempts have focused on the descriptive representation of different types of groups, we argue that substantive representation of citizens’ attitudes is closer to the democratic principle of equal effective participation. We develop a methodological approach that captures substantive representation with respect to agenda priorities and policies, by surveying interest groups on how much time they spend on lobbying in different policy areas, and in which direction they lobby on salient policy issues. The responses are compared with opinion data to estimate the level of political (in)equality. Our findings from the case of Sweden—where we would expect relatively high levels of equality, but instead find striking levels of inequality based on socio-economic status—highlight the perseverance of what Schattschneider once called the upper-class bias of the pressure system.

Abstract

How the gender pay-gap is problematized plays an important role in how policy is implemented or challenged. This article looks at Norway and asks: how does a Nordic country famous for gender equality advances deal with a possible friction between its collective bargaining model and the gender pay gap based on the gendered labour market?  Based on document analysis and exploratory interviews we ask: What kind of problem is the gender pay-gap in the Norwegian labour market understood to be by the main trade union association? The aim of the paper is to interrogate how a particular part of the corporatist regime, namely the pattern bargaining model, is understood and problematized by the central trade union association that aims to represent all workers interest but has also evolved around the notion of the male-breadwinner model.